• Rafaella Leon
    59
    After the Empire was dismantled, the churches spread throughout the territory became the substitutes for the scattered Roman administration. In general confusion, while the forms of a new era were barely visible among the mists of the provisional, the priests became notaries, hearers and mayors. The seeds of the future European aristocracy germinated on the battlefield, in the fight against the barbarian invader. In each village and parish, the community leaders who stood out in the defense effort were awarded by the people with land, animals and coins, by the Church with titles of nobility and the legitimate anointing of their authority. They became great farmers, counts, dukes, princes and kings.

    Agrarian property was never the foundation or the origin, but the fruit of its power. Military power. Power of a ferocious and haughty caste, enriched by the sword and not by the plow, conscientious of not mixing with the others, of not dedicating itself, therefore, neither to the cultivation of intelligence, good only for priests and women, nor for the land, entrusted to serfs and tenants, not even business, occupation of bourgeois and Jews.

    For more than a millennium it ruled Europe by force of arms, supported by the tripod of ecclesiastical and cultural legitimation, popular obedience translated into work and taxes, financial support obtained or extorted from merchants and bankers in times of crisis and war.

    Its rise culminates and its decline begins with the foundation of absolutist monarchies and the advent of the national state. It culminates because these new formations embody the power of the warrior caste in a pure state, source of itself by direct delegation from God, without the intermediation of the priesthood, reduced to the subordinate condition of forced and recalcitrant accomplice. But it is already the beginning of the decline, because the absolute monarch, coming from the aristocracy, stands out from it and has to seek against it - and against the Church - the support of the Third State, which with this ends up becoming an independent political force, capable of intimidating the king, the clergy and the nobility together.

    If the medieval system had lasted ten centuries, absolutism did not last more than three. Even less will the reign of the liberal bourgeoisie last. A century of economic and political freedom is enough to make some capitalists so formidably wealthy that they no longer want to submit to the whims of the market that has enriched them. They want to control it, and the instruments for that are three: the domain of the State, for the implantation of the statist policies necessary for the eternalization of the oligopoly; stimulating socialist and communist movements that invariably favor the growth of state power; and the regimentation of an army of intellectuals who prepare public opinion to say goodbye to bourgeois freedoms and enter happily into a world of ubiquitous and obsessive repression (extending to the last details of private life and everyday language), presented as a paradise adorned at the same time with the abundance of capitalism and the “social justice” of communism. In this new world, the economic freedom essential to the functioning of the system is preserved to the strict extent necessary to enable it to subsidize the extinction of freedom in the political, social, moral, educational, cultural and religious domains.

    With this, the megacapitalists change the very basis of their power. They no longer rely on wealth as such, but on the control of the political-social process. Control that, freeing them from adventurous exposure to market fluctuations, makes them a durable dynastic power, a neo-aristocracy capable of crossing through the variations of fortune and the succession of generations, sheltered in the stronghold of the State and international organizations. They are no longer megacapitalists: they are metacapitalists - the class that has transcended capitalism and transformed it into the only socialism that ever existed or will exist: the socialism of grand masters and social engineers at their service.

    This new aristocracy is not born, like the previous one, from military heroism rewarded by the people and blessed by the Church. It is born out of Machiavellian forethought founded on self-interest and, through a false clergy of subsidized intellectuals, blesses itself.

    It remains to be seen what kind of society this self-invented aristocracy can create - and how long a structure so obviously based on lies can last.
  • Philosophim
    2.6k
    Rafaella, this isn't really a philosophy topic, but an opinion on history. Can you go back and try to make this something we could discuss? Otherwise this read like a rant, or preaching. Something we try to avoid here.
  • BitconnectCarlos
    2.3k


    Hey, you watch your tone. Rafaella is a beautiful & intelligent woman and she makes interesting points that deserve to be addressed. I always love reading your posts, Rafaella.
  • Rafaella Leon
    59
    Finally found someone lucid around here, much appreciated.

    I should also add that, in order for you to better understand this it is necessary to investigate a mechanism that is generated by capitalism itself, and that works like this: the subject, within the market economy, thrives and enriches in such a way that, when he reaches a point, he perceives that he has no more reason to continue subjected to market fluctuations. The market that produced him, from then on, becomes a threat. So it is necessary to fall outside the laws of the market to guarantee the continuation of the great fortune for the following generations. The individual, then, enters with a type of consideration that is no longer capitalist, but that is of a dynastic order. From that moment on, the approach that these people take of society no longer corresponds to a capitalist perspective, but to a perspective of aristocratic type. When these great fortunes start to reason in dynastic terms, they have to overcome the market economy mechanism that constituted them, and there is only one way to do that: you have to dominate the state. This means that the power of these large organizations is economic to a certain extent, but then it becomes a political-military power that is independent of the course of economic affairs because it has the means to direct, dominate and strangle the mechanism of the market. These people [owners of great fortunes] I call metacapitalists. Metacapitalists are those who started out as capitalists, but have already transcended this condition and become a kind of new aristocratic caste.

    This theory is reinforced, for example, by the confession of George Soros himself, who, in a significantly article entitled “The Capitalist Threat”, published in The Atlantic in February 1997, writes with all the lyrics, and without an ounce of shame: “Although I made a fortune in the financial market, today I fear that the unrestricted strengthening of laissez-faire capitalism and the spread of market values to all walks of life are threatening our open and democratic society. The main enemy of open society, I believe, is no longer the communist threat, but the capitalist threat”.

    It is precisely this mix of capitalist economics and socialist government that has underpinned the new world order that emerged with the end of the Cold War. In a kind of tacit agreement with the communists, the Western metacapitalists came to the conclusion that it was necessary to create some form of synthesis between the economic dynamism of liberal capitalism and the efficient technology of social control plus the imposition of consensus managed by socialist regimes. It is no wonder that, as a prototype of this synthesis, China is rising to the position of hegemonic power in the contemporary world order. With the tolerance, if not the endorsement, of the metacapitalists. As the Chinese intellectual Di Dongsheng suggested, Beijing has always had a strong influence on Wall Street, and will again do so after Joe Biden took office. And although all of this still sounds inconceivable to most people, the truth is the one that, 100 years ago, the great British novelist HG Wells (a notorious social democrat) wrote: “The big capital is by no means antipathetic to communism. The more it grows, the closer it gets to collectivism”. Bingo!
  • Ciceronianus
    3k
    If there was a "Pronouncements" category, these posts could all be put in the same place. If anyone wanted to read such things, they could easily be found. It wouldn't be necessary to search the forum to find unsolicited declarations of belief, personal Credos, as it were. It only makes sense.
  • Baden
    16.3k
    Rafaella is a [1] beautiful & [2] intelligent [3] womanBitconnectCarlos

    Three questionable assertions there. Evidence?
  • Wayfarer
    22.6k
    Rafaella is a beautiful & intelligent womanBitconnectCarlos

    ↪BitconnectCarlos Finally found someone lucid around here, much appreciated.Rafaella Leon

    :vomit:
  • Baden
    16.3k
    Finally found someone lucid around hereRafaella Leon

    Evidence?
  • frank
    15.8k

    She's a 300 lb Russian guy named Igor.
  • Streetlight
    9.1k
    Cool OP. The trajectory seems largely right - the decoupling of corporations from market forces is exactly right and is already at work. It is indeed the most dangerous trend that we're seeing take shape right now. And this is just the end result of the core logic of capitalism: that of self-valourizing capital, capital begetting more capital, decoupled from all material processes. Hence the explosion of speculative and financial markets.

    But it's very jarring to see socialism as being named as complicit in this process. Socialism's economic principles have always lent themselves to the dilution of corporate power, not its concentration. The 'opression' you decry - which is real - is not a function of any 'socialist' capture of the state; quite the opposite, it follows from the corporate capture of state power.

    You might be interested in Jodi Dean's diagnosis of a coming neo-Feudalism, which seems very much in line with what you write here: "Under neofeudalism, the directly political character of society reasserts itself. Global financial institutions and digital technology platforms use debt to redistribute wealth from the world’s poorest to the richest. Nation-states promote and protect specific private corporations. Political power is exercised with and as economic power, not only taxes but fines, liens, asset seizures, licenses, patents, jurisdictions, and borders. At the same time, economic power shields those who wield it from the reach of state law. Ten percent of global wealth is hoarded in off-shore accounts to avoid taxation

    ...Just as feudal relations persisted under capitalism so do capitalist relations of production and exploitation continue under neofeudalism. The difference is that non-capitalist dimensions of production — expropriation, domination, and force — have become stronger to such an extent that it no longer makes sense to posit free and equal actors meeting in the labor market even as a governing fiction. It means that rent and debt feature as or more heavily in accumulation than profit, and that work increasingly exceeds the wage relation. What happens when capitalism is global? It turns in on itself, generating, enclosing, and mining features of human life through digital networks and mass personalized media. This self-cannibalization produces new lords and serfs, vast fortunes and extreme inequality, and the parcellated sovereignties that secure this inequality while the many wander and languish in the hinterlands."

    https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/neofeudalism-the-end-of-capitalism/
  • god must be atheist
    5.1k
    Thanks for making sense of the OP.

    I see the script describe facts in a believable fashion. My only objection is that (1) nepotism is renamed neo-feudalism. And that (2) detaching the capital from production is called the end of capitalism.

    In (1), nepotism: familial, or else nationalistic, and also poliltical alliancism, has played a role in all political systems. Feudalism does not own nepotism.

    In (2), the point's validity very much depends on the definition of capitalism. In a Marxian sense, yes, and in a John Stuart Mill-type of sense, yes: the system's change is seen, because the wealth of a nation no longer depends on the goods it produces and distributes and uses, while using the monetary basis of society.

    But other aspects of capitalism still are intact and in place: a competitive economy, the survival of the fittest, and greed; and most importantly, the oppression and exploitation of the have-nots by the haves continues. Of course I had to sub "have-not" for the ploretariat, because if nobody works, or very few, the meaning of proletarian disappears from the fabric of society.
  • Rafaella Leon
    59
    But it's very jarring to see socialism as being named as complicit in this process. Socialism's economic principles have always lent themselves to the dilution of corporate power, not its concentration.StreetlightX

    If the objective is no longer just to enrich, but to dominate the State, and, more broadly, consciences, which model of political regime took this domain to the verge of perfection, developing a technology to control society never seen in other historical contexts? The socialist model, of course. And it is also obvious that metacapitalists only support socializing measures because they know that, in strictly economic terms, a full socialist regime is a logical and practical impossibility. They know this, moreover, as the Bolshevik Nomenklatura has always known, at least since Lenin launched the New Economic Policy. Complete nationalization of the economy is not feasible, and in order to remain standing, any socialist-type government must tolerate some degree of market economy, albeit in a clandestine manner (see, on this, USSR: The Corrupt Society — The Secret World of Soviet Capitalism, by Konstantin Simis).

    Socialism's economic principles lent themselves to the dilution of the bottom 99% (mainly the phantom middle class) while enriching the top 1%. The billionaires all over the world has enriched while the major population was heavily impoverished due to the lockdown orders. And laws such as minimum wage, taxes, etc, are use by them to disrupt the small competitors and reinforce the oligopoly. Bezos has his means to circumvent/endure taxes, not the average Joe in your street corner. Boycotting Amazon and supporting local dealers is one way to disrupt this scheme.
  • Streetlight
    9.1k
    Bezos has his means to circumvent/endure taxes, not the average Joe in your street corner.Rafaella Leon

    And you think this is a fault of socialism? On account of what? It's well known advocacy of not taxing the rich? In any case you seem to want to have it both ways: you want to use the experience of the USSR to delegitimate socialism in the present - but you can't just pick a historical period and then pretend that that experience is applicable now. The facts of the matter as it stands in the present - i.e. without the anachronistic projection of the past overlaid like a fantasy upon the present - is that the state is totally at the behest of capitalist powers. And I'm sorry but you pushing discredited trickle down economics as though you were some champion for the people is a joke.

    Amazon - who you want to boycott - has gotten to exactly where it is precisely on the back of it's paying its warehouse workers a pittance in terrible conditions while doing everything it can do terrorize it's workers so that they don't form unions. And if you paid any attention at all to the fracas over the building of it's new headquarters, you'd note that states were falling over themselves to offer it tax breaks and financial concessions - the kind of thing opposed by every socialist who had anything to say about it. You're peddling capitalist propaganda and pretending it has anything to do with socialism at all.

    In fact it's worse than this: your own political proscription - "boycott Amazon" - is directly contradicted by your own analysis - if, as your rightly say, corporate power is becoming ever more disentangled from market forces, then situating politics in the market is nothing but a call for utter impotence. Your own analysis makes clear that such 'boycott' actions are increasingly less and less effective. It's completely incoherent.
  • Echarmion
    2.7k
    The individual, then, enters with a type of consideration that is no longer capitalist, but that is of a dynastic order. From that moment on, the approach that these people take of society no longer corresponds to a capitalist perspective, but to a perspective of aristocratic type.Rafaella Leon

    How can a perspective that is a natural result of capitalism not be part of capitalism? You're drawing an arbitrary line here between capitalism and the results of capitalism.
  • Baden
    16.3k
    Copypasta plagiarism.
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