And recent revelations about the peace negotiations that took place weeks into the conflict might actually support that view. The Russians were willing to make major concessions when they negotiated for Ukrainian neutrality, and it might only be after the negotiations failed that the Russian strategy changed to annexing parts of Ukraine. — Tzeentch
According to Israeli officials, Putin’s proposal is difficult for Zelensky to accept but not as extreme as they anticipated. They said the proposal doesn’t include regime change in Kyiv and allows Ukraine to keep its sovereignty. — https://www.axios.com/2022/03/08/israel-russia-ukraine-ceasefire-critical-point
With the amount of financial and military support that was flowing into Ukraine before the war, there was no chance of Russia destabilizing Ukraine. Ukraine was rapidly shedding all Russian influence. In terms of soft power the Russians were already on the defensive. That's why they had to resort to hard power and that's the reason they invaded. The idea that Russia could have gotten what it wanted without military means is nonsensical given the gravity of the military invasion that took place, which they themselves must have been fully aware of. In other words, I pretty much exclude the possibility that Russia could have gotten its way in Ukraine without resorting to military means. — Tzeentch
I don’t see how the pre-war “amount of bilateral support” to Ukraine could have rendered the Russian resistance unsustainable in a counterfactual scenario that is way less challenging than the current conflict. — neomac
Because Russia changed the rules of the game when it invaded. In war, soft power goes (mostly) off the table, and in terms of hard power Russia (for now) has the advantage. — Tzeentch
Spare me the apologetics. — Tzeentch
Given the fact that the US was never planning to take Russian security concerns into consideration and basically invited war at every turn, certainly inevitable. — Tzeentch
The small number of troops at the beginning of the war was likely because Russians didn’t expect the kind of fierce resistance the Ukrainians demonstrated... — neomac
Unlikely, since the Russians were fully aware of the size of the Ukrainian force, and the fact that it was equipped and trained by the US.
It's equally unlikely that with such a small force they sought to both occupy and hold Kiev and install a puppet regime and occupy and hold the southern regions. The theories you're suggesting are basically military impossibilities, though popular among laymen and the ever-churning propaganda machines. — Tzeentch
23:05 - 27:20 discusses the implications of the size of the Russian invasion force.
1:30:40 - 1:32:00 Mearsheimer makes the point that he believes Russian territorial ambitions escalated as the war progressed.
Mearsheimer throughout the lecture actually argues that Russia might not have had any major territorial ambitions at all at the start of the war.
And recent revelations about the peace negotiations that took place weeks into the conflict might actually confirm that. The Russians were willing to make major concessions when they negotiated for Ukrainian neutrality, and it might only be after the negotiations failed that the Russian strategy changed to annexing parts of Ukraine. — Tzeentch
So all else equal (in the pre-war conditions) the counterfactual scenario I suggested would have favoured Russia more than it did the ongoing war. — neomac
Meaning? — neomac
Even if one is generically convinced about this, still Russia could have postponed further the confrontation to its own advantage. — neomac
It would be more useful if you posted the military expert source, you rely on. — neomac
Neither of these arguments are relevant to counter the arguments that there were intelligence failures on the Russian side that might have compromised their strategic objectives whatever they were. — neomac
That doesn’t seem to support your claim “It's equally unlikely that with such a small force they sought to both occupy and hold Kiev and install a puppet regime and occupy and hold the southern regions”, it just supports that that military deployment wasn’t enough to subdue the entire Ukraine. — neomac
And how many troops did it take to grab Crimea?I think that supports my claim.
Mearsheimer explains how controlling a country as large as Ukraine with 190,000 troops is military fantasy, especially considering the expected resistance from the Ukrainian population. It doesn't even come close. He even states he doesn't believe the Russians had any major territorial ambitions in Ukraine for the very same reasons. — Tzeentch
So all else equal (in the pre-war conditions) the counterfactual scenario I suggested would have favoured Russia more than it did the ongoing war. — neomac
I disagree, and evidently so did the Russians or they wouldn't have invaded. — Tzeentch
That Russia was losing the conflict over Ukraine prior to the invasion when it was primarily decided through soft power, — Tzeentch
Again I disagree, and apparently so did the Russians.
The longer the Russians let the US train, arm and finance the Ukrainians, the harder the eventual military invasion would be. — Tzeentch
It would be more useful if you posted the military expert source, you rely on. — neomac
I already did, with time stamps and all. — Tzeentch
That doesn’t seem to support your claim “It's equally unlikely that with such a small force they sought to both occupy and hold Kiev and install a puppet regime and occupy and hold the southern regions”, it just supports that that military deployment wasn’t enough to subdue the entire Ukraine. — neomac
I think that supports my claim. Mearsheimer explains how controlling a country as large as Ukraine with 190,000 troops is military fantasy, especially considering the expected resistance from the Ukrainian population. He even states he doesn't believe the Russians had any major territorial ambitions in Ukraine for the very same reason. — Tzeentch
Russia pursued regime change, denazification of Ukraine. This doesn’t require the occupation of all Ukraine, it requires to take control over Kiev and install a pro-Russian puppet regime (as the US did in Afghanistan) — neomac
What are you referring to with "losing the conflict over Ukraine"? Russia was already occupying Donbas and Crimea. No soft power was changing that until February 2022. — neomac
So the war might have evolved in realistic ways that could still be more advantageous to Russia than the current war. — neomac
I've done my homework on this. — neomac
Russia pursued regime change, denazification of Ukraine. This doesn’t require the occupation of all Ukraine, it requires to take control over Kiev and install a pro-Russian puppet regime (as the US did in Afghanistan) — neomac
What are you referring to with "losing the conflict over Ukraine"? Russia was already occupying Donbas and Crimea. No soft power was changing that until February 2022. — neomac
Ukrainian alignment is what the conflict is about. Donbas and Crimea did not stop Ukraine from being turned into what Russia deemed a "western bulwark on Russia's borders". That's why it was (or considered itself) losing. — Tzeentch
So the war might have evolved in realistic ways that could still be more advantageous to Russia than the current war. — neomac
I don't see the point in indulging in fantasy. Where would you even find the type of information necessary to make a judgement about that? We probably have access to only a fraction of the relevant information as is. — Tzeentch
Are you really implying the Russians were going to install a puppet regime in Kiev while occupying less than 1/5th of the country, with a western-trained, western-backed Ukrainian military occupying the rest, and an angry Ukrainian population to reckon with, with 190,000 troops? — Tzeentch
If you're going to scoff at Mearsheimer and claim knowledge on the subject, don't come at me with outlandish notions such as this one. You're making a fool of yourself. — Tzeentch
Yes I do. And also Mearsheimer is confirming it at minute 24:20 Mearsheimer of your video (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qciVozNtCDM) where he claims that the strategic objective of 190K Russian troops were aiming at either capturing or threatening Kiev and conquer a large swath of territory in East and South Ukraine. And that is not implausible if one takes into account the Russian intelligence failure I was talking about (among other possible miscalculations, of course). — neomac
That's clearly not what Mearsheimer "is confirming". — Tzeentch
You have no idea what you're talking about if you consider it feasible to install a puppet regime when an enemy force is occupying the vast majority of a country. — Tzeentch
Where'd you even get such a notion? — Tzeentch
It's no wonder your theory hinges on Russian intelligence failures of colossal proportions — Tzeentch
So what else was the purpose of aiming at capturing or threatening Kiev if not regime change? — neomac
So what else was the purpose of aiming at capturing or threatening Kiev if not regime change? — neomac
Options include:
1) Showing the West the Russian threats were no bluff.
2) Forcing Kiev to the negotiating table, which, we now know, they succeeded in.
3) Creating a diversion for the offensive in the south. — Tzeentch
The pattern of troop movements suggests the Russian drive on Kiev was unlikely to have as its goal to occupy and hold. — Tzeentch
The idea that Kiev represented the promise of victory is a notion I already dealt with before and you can find most of that exchange on page 309 and page 313 of this thread. — Tzeentch
I also find it plausible that the Russians did not intend to take and hold Kiev, even if they could have. I've already presented arguments why I believe that.
In summary:
- The Ukraine's centre of gravity is not in Kiev, because this war isn't conducted from Kiev. It's foreign support that is keeping this war going. Capturing Kiev would be symbolic, but not decisive.
- With the limited amount of troops Russia has deployed, it is unlikely they intended to spend the time and effort it would require to capture Kiev, when they had areas of strategic significance to occupy in the south.
- It is in Russia's primary interest that Ukraine continues to fight this war themselves. The capture of Kiev and it's C&C facilities could bring a western intervention closer.
- My view is that the drive on Kiev was a show of force and Russia's last attempt at finishing the conflict quickly. By showing they were not bluffing, they could conceivably have made the West back off and forced a renegotiation of Ukraine's position. If this were to fail, which it did, it could double as a diversionary attack to allow Russian forces to occupy the south with less resistance. — Tzeentch
Besides, you are making the point that the Russians suffered some colossal intelligence failure, so why are you referring to western experts and articles? — Tzeentch
First, forcing a negotiation doesn’t exclude regime change. Putin’s request might have been a transition to a pro-West political leadership without bloodshed or detention or persecution for Zelensky. — neomac
Second, I don’t need to question the fact that Putin had other options than the decapitation of Zelensky’s regime, or that Putin preferred ta negotiation over a regime change. Either cases do not exclude the fact that Putin ALSO pursued regime change, given that in phase one of the war there were also several Russian backed assassination attempts against Zelensky — neomac
I would prefer to read directly from your source. — neomac
Said that, I’m interested less in discussing the details of Putin’s military tactics and strategy on the battlefield, than discussing the overall status of Putin’s “special military operation” in light of Putin’s endgame — neomac
Concerning the first point, Kiev is the political capital if the endgame is to impact Kiev’s foreign politics would obviously be the first place to go. — neomac
Concerning the second, as I said movements on the battlefield (independently from the intelligence/military poor performance) are not the only relevant factor, Putin might have counted also on a network of collaborationist insiders (he also publicly singled his favour for an Ukrainian military coup). — neomac
Concerning the fourth, your views do not change what we know about the geopolitical endgame of Putin, nor Putin’s and other Russian government representatives’ declarations against Zelensky’s regime, nor Russian deal-breaker conditions for a negotiation. — neomac
I doubt that Russians would be free to acknowledge “colossal intelligence failures” especially if that might involve Putin’s responsibilities. — neomac
Installing a puppet regime, regime change and decapitation are three completely different subjects. You are shifting your goalposts.
Decapitation is a military-strategic goal that aims to sow chaos in the enemy's command & control, for example by taking out leadership figures and destroying central communication networks. The Russians probably pursued that strategy as a integral part of their military doctrine (so does the US).
The idea that the Russians could pursue regime change in Ukraine by killing Zelensky is just silly. Zelensky would simply be replaced by another pro-Western talking head and literally nothing would change. And we've already discussed the notion of installing a puppet regime without actually controlling Ukraine or destroying the Ukrainian military - outlandish. — Tzeentch
You can see the territories the Russian forces occupied during their drive on Kiev, which are now coloured in blue. Urban areas were bypassed, large swathes of open ground were left completely ignored. That's not what an attempt to seize and hold looks like. — Tzeentch
They somehow capture Kiev, install a puppet, and the western backing, Ukrainian military and Ukrainian resistance magically go 'poof!' while an 190,000 man army maintains control a population of 41 million in a country that has an area of 600,000 square kilometers? — Tzeentch
Ok, what do you think we know about the Russians' geopolitical endgame?
Do you know more than us? — Tzeentch
Putin’s endgame
(In Mearsheimer’s words “Winning for Putin is putting an end to Ukraine joining the West, joining NATO, joining the EU” at minute 1:40:04 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qciVozNtCDM) — neomac
You're just assuming colossal intelligence failures took place, without actually having any idea of what Russian intelligence looked like? Odd. — Tzeentch
I don't think the Russian invasion needs to be viewed as a colossal disaster when we take into consideration the Russians went into Ukraine with a "limited aim strategy," which is Mearsheimer's argument.
I think there are strong indications that the Russians went into Ukraine with limited aims. The number of troops they deployed, the terms they presented during the negotations, etc. — Tzeentch
Second, nowhere we have discussed related terminology... — neomac
Initially, Russian forces captured key areas to the north and west of Kyiv, leading to international speculation of the city's imminent fall. However, stiff Ukrainian resistance sapped the momentum. Poor Russian logistics and tactical decisions helped the defenders to thwart efforts at encirclement, and, after a month of protracted fighting, Ukrainian forces mounted successful counterattacks. — neomac
Installing a puppet regime doesn’t need military control over the whole territory. — neomac
The difference from the US case however is that Putin could arguably rely on collaborationists in the army/intelligence... — neomac
Prof Mearsheimer, a noted political scientist of the University of Chicago, feels that Russia’s aim is not to seize and defend territory in Ukraine (as it could get bogged down in an Afghanistan-like quagmire). The Russian aim is simply to either wreck Ukraine as a functional state or ensure regime change. — neomac
I'm not randomly assuming Russian military/intelligence failures, I'm relying on what has been reported by legit sources. — neomac
As I said, I’m an avg dude so I’ll reason over the evidences accessible to me. — neomac
In other words, so far, if Russians wanted to threaten/capture Kiev as expected, ... — neomac
Second, nowhere we have discussed related terminology... — neomac
There's no need for us to discuss it, since those terms are already neatly defined. It's up to you to use those terms properly. — Tzeentch
Why are you using wikipedia as a source? Also, note the claim there: "Stiff Ukrainian resistance sapped the momentum." Where is the proof of that? As far as I can tell the Russians never made a serious attempt at attacking Kiev itself. — Tzeentch
Installing a puppet regime doesn’t need military control over the whole territory. — neomac
The invasion of Afghanistan started with the crushing defeat of the Taliban from which they took years to recover. — Tzeentch
The difference from the US case however is that Putin could arguably rely on collaborationists in the army/intelligence... — neomac
"Arguably" meaning, in contrived scenarios that you invented specifically to suit your argument, without a shred of evidence given? — Tzeentch
Prof Mearsheimer, a noted political scientist of the University of Chicago, feels that Russia’s aim is not to seize and defend territory in Ukraine (as it could get bogged down in an Afghanistan-like quagmire). The Russian aim is simply to either wreck Ukraine as a functional state or ensure regime change. — neomac
I highly doubt Mearsheimer made that claim. There's no source given and a Google search yielded nothing. — Tzeentch
I'm not randomly assuming Russian military/intelligence failures, I'm relying on what has been reported by legit sources. — neomac
What makes these sources legit in your mind? They provide no actual evidence to back up their claims, and their claims are counter to what military logic dictates. — Tzeentch
As I said, I’m an avg dude so I’ll reason over the evidences accessible to me. — neomac
The thing is, you're not actually providing any evidence even when I've been repeatedly asking for it. Newspaper clippings and wikipedia articles are not evidence. Furthermore, you seem to lack the basic foundational knowledge on the topic to detect complete fiction. — Tzeentch
In other words, so far, if Russians wanted to threaten/capture Kiev as expected, ... — neomac
Either of those options would have vastly different implications, so I'm not sure why you are treating them as though they are the same.
Threatening Kiev is what actually happened, and it actually ended up with the Ukrainians and Russians entering negotations, which proceeded to a stage where an agreement was nearly reached. — Tzeentch
What you're arguing is that the "real" Russian intentions were to capture Kiev — Tzeentch
You'll have to come with explanations why many of the facts do not seem to line up with your view. — Tzeentch
Write to wikipedia if you want evidences for its claims. — neomac
Russia failed to achieve what was likely its main political objective: to overthrow the Kyiv government in a blitzkrieg military operation.
No, I don’t think he has designs on Kyiv. I think he’s interested in taking at least the Donbass, and maybe some more territory and eastern Ukraine, and, number two, he wants to install in Kyiv a pro-Russian government, a government that is attuned to Moscow’s interests. — neomac
Second, the Russian invasion force was far too small to seize and hold territory, ...
... Russia utilized between 150,000 and 190,000 soldiers—including regular and irregular forces—for the initial invasion of Ukraine, a country of approximately 44 million people with an area of over 600,000 square kilometers.34 Those numbers translate into a force ratio of 4 Russian soldiers per 1,000 Ukrainian inhabitants.
There are no exact formulas for how many soldiers are required to hold conquered territory, but a force ratio of as many as 20 soldiers per 1,000 inhabitants has sometimes been necessary to pacify a hostile local population.35 Large numbers of troops are generally essential to establish basic law and order. By the end of World War II, for example, there were 101 U.S. soldiers per 1,000 inhabitants in the U.S.-controlled sector of Germany. More recently, there were 19 U.S. and European soldiers per 1,000 inhabitants in Bosnia in 1995 and 20 soldiers per 1,000 inhabitants in Kosovo in 2000.36
Lower ratios are generally insufficient to pacify hostile populations. In Iraq, for instance, the United States had 7 soldiers per 1,000 inhabitants and faced a persistent deadly insurgency—even with the help of Iraqi government forces and Sunni militia members. U.S.
First things first, the puppet regime in Afghanistan didn’t have military control of the whole country, right? — neomac
That regime change was a likely goal is confirmed by attempts to kill Zelensky. — neomac
However, faced with fierce Ukrainian defense and the West’s crippling economic sanctions, Putin appears to be recalculating his initial maximalist aims. — neomac
You can’t raise the standards for what constitutes “evidence” arbitrarily high, — neomac
What makes those sources legit? — neomac
Third, as I never claimed I’m an expert or even an amateur of military/intelligence field, and made it clear repeatedly, it’s pointless to accuse me of lacking “basic foundational knowledge” in the military/intelligence field. I’m fine with relying on military/intelligence experts’ feedback for that matter. It’s not evident to me you are one, ... — neomac
Because to me, “threatening Kiev” roughly means “threatening to capture Kiev”.
BTW what does “threatening Kiev” mean to you? What did the Russian threaten to do with their troops in Kiev if it was evident to anybody with “basic foundational knowledge” that the Russians were most certainly unable to capture Kiev? — neomac
I’m talking about what has beenofficially reportedsuggested bylegitwestern [potentially highly biased and/or politicized] sources — neomac
I simply find implausible to claim that it’s unlikely that Russia pursued regime change because of lack of manpower or because negotiation was most certainly the only realistic goal. — neomac
You just talked about size and movement of the Russian troops on the ground. — neomac
- Why did the Russians try to kill Zelensky? — neomac
- Why did the Russian troops try to encircle Kiev ? — neomac
- Why did the Russians engage in troop battles, if they could simply heavy shell Kiev? — neomac
What's your excuse now? — neomac
Yes. Back then as Russia hadn't gone on an all-out conventional attack, worries about escalation were obvious... I remember especially the Obama administration was very worried about escalation. Prior last year there for example was no air warfare from the Russian side. Before the February 24th assault the military aid was more about other things than those that go boom, yet this aid consisted for example modern communications and radios and training, which are surprisingly important. Now it's nearly full spectrum assistance. The US has given about 26,7 billion dollars in military aid to Ukraine since February 24th of last year.Until the war of 2022 started, the financial and military flow from the US was constrained by 3 factors (type and volume of military aid, lack of wider support from the West), the political pressure from the West was constrained by the fact the Western Europeans wanted to keep their business with Russia (which Nord Stream 2 would have further encouraged) and by the fact that Russia could still pressure the Ukrainian domestic politics due to pro-Russian propaganda and parties. — neomac
EU membership and Austria-style neutrality could have been a great option... prior to February 24th 2022.Yeah, he actually did argue that Russia was a potential threat to Ukraine, at least back in the 1990s. Russia loves to cite his work in regards to NATO expansion but quite conveniently forgets to mention that right after the end of the Cold War, he also argued in favor of a Ukrainian nuclear deterrent. If only someone would remind Russia of this. Seriously. A deal where Ukraine gets eventual EU membership, Austria-style neutrality, and its own nuclear deterrent seems like a great deal for both Ukraine and the West and would be a viable alternative to Ukrainian NATO membership! — Xanatos
Both the article and Mearsheimer's view on regime change in Ukraine (that he shared only days after the invasion - way too early for it to be viewed as a detailed assessment, in my opinion) are directly contradicted by a point Mearsheimer made himself more recently, namely that the Russian troop deployments were far too small to carry out a classic blitzkrieg necessary to facilitate such a thing. He states that almost literally word for word in one of the clips I gave you. — Tzeentch
my point never was that control of the whole country is necessary (nice strawman), but that enacting regime change while holding less than 1/5th with the 4/5ths being occupied by a western-backed, western-trained enemy military is utter fantasy. — "Tzeentch
the entirety of your argument, nay the entire western narrative, hinges on the idea that the Russians went in with a force to destroy the Ukrainian military and occupy all of Ukraine - something which is almost directly contradicted by the facts. — "Tzeentch
I don't see how regime change is even a reasonable option without decisively defeating the Ukrainian military and occupying the vast majority of the country. — Tzeentch
Again I ask you, Russia installs a puppet. What happens to the areas that aren't under Russian control? What happens to the Ukrainian military consisting of hundreds of thousands of men? What happens to western support? Do those things magically disappear?
No. The war would obviously continue and the "regime change" would be completely meaningless in areas that Russia doesn't directly control. — Tzeentch
Even if you want to make the point that their goal was to enact regime change in Kiev, you cannot explain why only a small portion of those forces actually marched on Kiev, and intense fighting over the city never took place. — Tzeentch
Killing off leadership figures is a common method in warfare, which I already explained to you. And it's not obvious at all that killing Zelensky would change anything about Ukraine's political course. In fact, I believe it would change nothing. How much influence do you believe Russia has in Ukraine, outside of the areas it directly controls? Virtually zero. — Tzeentch
That's another strawman. I never argued the Ukrainians could have known prior to the invasion that the Russians would not try to take Kiev. The fog of war can make diversionary attacks very effective, and we know for a fact that the Russians employ deception as a core pillar of their military doctrine. The fact that the Russians used 15,000 - 30,000 out of a 190,000 men in their offensive towards Kiev, and the fact that very little heavy fighting seems to have taken place, does not imply the Russians attributed high strategic significance to the capture of Kiev. — Tzeentch
Rights groups say Russia is trying to control the entire media landscape by blocking independent news outlets, stopping their reporting on the war from reaching ordinary Russians.
Mearsheimer claims that the strategic objective Russians were aiming at were either capturing or threatening Kiev. — neomac
You look confused. — neomac
Are you really implying the Russians were going to install a puppet regime in Kiev while occupying less than 1/5th of the country, with a western-trained, western-backed Ukrainian military occupying the rest, and an angry Ukrainian population to reckon with, with 190,000 troops? — Tzeentch
Right, so it’s FALSE the assumption that one needs military control over the whole territory to install a puppet regime. — neomac
... yet in the same post you claim that my argument hinges on “occupy all of Ukraine”. — neomac
Second, I do not have an equation on how many ground troops are necessary to ensure the success of a regime change in Ukraine. So the quantities you are considering in your arguments (“1/5th with the 4/5ths”, “occupy all of Ukraine”, “the vast majority of the country”) may make sense to support your claims under certain conditions, but not under all conditions (e.g. it depends on how hostile the population is, the contribution from state apparatus insiders, the support of aircraft/rocket shelling, the size of the targeted territory, etc.). — neomac
Russia might have had a complex strategy wrt Kiev (based on different possible scenarios), which include regime change. — neomac
To achieve regime change ground troops might have not been enough (also depending on how hostile the population would have proven to be), but in addition to that rocket/air-force strikes, possible inside jobs (especially by collaborationists within military/intelligence service favourable to a coup [1]) and killing Zelensky might have compensated. All these conditions are not implausible since they have some support from the available reports. — neomac
The West propaganda objection is as good as the Russian propaganda counter-objection. — neomac
But estimates about the number of the deployed Russian troops were available very early in March 2022 (while the Russian attempt lasted till end march), so that begs the question: how credible was the Russian threat to the Ukrainians backed by the Americans if the number of ground troops was all the counts and it was evident to all military experts that they were insufficient to capture Kyiv? — neomac
Here for more details: https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/23003689/putin-ukraine-russia-donbas-energy-feint — neomac
So far, if Russians wanted to threaten/capture Kiev as expected (also because without control over Malorossia there is no buffer territory wrt NATO), they failed. If the Russians wanted just to consolidate the Eastern-South, they didn't ensure the geopolitical victory they were after (at minute 1:40:04 of your video “Winning for Putin is putting an end to Ukraine joining the West, joining NATO, joining the EU”). — neomac
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